The iconic image of Yarmouk's inhabitants queuing for food. Courtesy: UNWRA |
But
there is a bigger Palestinian picture – and my contention is that it has been
ignored. The Palestinian question is not
just about Gaza and the West Bank.
According
to the UN there are twelve official refugee camps (there are more) in Lebanon (where
about 800,000 Palestinians still live in stateless limbo). In Egypt 50,000
Palestinians cannot register as refugees, or be granted permanent residency. There
are ten official camps in Jordan. Until occupation and ISIS there were over
30,000 refugees in Iraq and nine camps in Syria.
Today
there are Palestinians in almost every corner of the world. In my own
wanderings I have encountered Palestinians in Europe, the US, Libya, the Far
East, Turkey, Saudi Arabia, Qatar and Africa. The real Nakba, the real Palestinian catastrophe, is that with seven million
refugees we have the biggest poltical exile of modern times.
It is
for good reason that the late Edward Said insisted that the Palestinian lot be
called a “shattat”, or a “scattering”,
as opposed to a “diaspora”. Palestinians were not dispatched stateless and
dispossessed into the world because of a divine decree like the
Jews, but because of a Zionist colonial project supported by Europe that forcibly
displaced two-thirds of its population.
Therefore,
I insist that there needs to be a more committed activist focus on the shattat. Those ignored outside the
current Palestinian-Israeli paradigm need to be included, or else the whole delineation
of being Palestinian will be framed by a notion that Palestinians don’t really
exist outside of the occupied territories.
When I
toured Lebanese refugee camps in the 1990’s researching my book, Surfing behind the Wall, I encountered open
anger from people who told me they’d been forgotten the minute Yasser ‘Arafat
and the PLO had left Beirut. However, I was deeply enriched by what I heard.
Lebanon was a gripping chapter of Palestinian history I would not have got in
Gaza or the West Bank.
And my
reporting on the Zionist massacre of Tantura in 1948 would not have been
possible to corroborate via independent Palestinian sources without the work of
Mustafa al-Wali in the Syrian refugee camps. The same goes for what I learnt in
Jordan about the Battle of Karameh.
But
the most distressing instance of what I call “geographical amnesia” about
Palestinians outside of Palestine is the tragic, bloody and brutal tale of
Yarmouk, once home to 150,000 registered refugees and an equal amount of poorer
Syrians who also lived there.
Yarmouk
was recognised as a refugee camp in 1957 after the 1948 Nakba and evolved into a suburb of Damascus. Before the Syrian
disaster, Yarmouk was a thriving commercial hub with shady streets, apartments,
shops, restaurants, coffee houses, mosques, schools and factories.
All
this was utterly devastated by the Syrian conflict, which overflowed lethally into
Palestinian life. Politically, as
refugees, the Palestinians were neutrals – non-combatants who should have been subjected
to internationally protective conventions.
Pleas
at the time for Yarmouk to be declared a safe zone were blithely ignored as
both the FSA and Assad’s forces fought battles in and around its streets. Attempts
by those in Yarmouk to guard it from the conflict backfired when the FSA took
control. In 2012 Assad besieged Yarmouk, denying the passage of aid and cutting
off its water, electricity and food supplies.
Yarmouk,
as The Guardian put it, became the
“worst place in Syria”. Entrapped by a
circle of steel, those who essentially had nothing to do with the conflict,
became its worst victims as they starved to death in the rubble.
Some
analysts say that Assad’s brutality was prompted by fears that Yarmouk was less
than ten kilometres from his Damascus headquarters. Others that he’d been
angered by Hamas leader Khalid Mesha’al – who’d lived in Yarmouk – endorsing
the Syrian revolution after he’d left for the Gulf.
The
upshot was that Yarmouk would be subjected to unimaginable terror as the barrel
bombs rained down. When the UN finally managed to get aid through in February
2014, so bad was the situation that officials had to go for trauma
counselling.
As one UN officer described it: “it (Yarmouk) was beyond inhumane.”
What
was once one of Damascus’ thriving suburbs was now an eerily hushed Armageddon-like
landscape. The 18,000 remaining Yarmouk survivors queued like ghosts in a spectacle
as iconic as those of the Nazi camps – an exhausted, haggard and hungry mass of
humanity crowding a broken street for food.
But
sadly, the image – which featured prominently on the wires – would prove to be
just another chapter in the tragic, but forgotten saga of Yarmouk. That picture
alone should have sent Palestine solidarity movements marching in the streets
of the world’s capitals in their thousands, yet it didn’t. There was a ripple of indignation, and then nothing.
Early
this year Yarmouk was visited by the forces of ISIS now aligned with Al-Qaeda
affiliate Jabhat an-Nusra, keen to use Yarmouk as a foothold to get into
Damascus. Once again, those of Yarmouk were caught in the crossfire.
For
those trapped inside, it was a question of changing tormentors from Assad to
ISIS and the An-Nusra front, with a 16 year-old Amjad Yaquub telling an AFP
reporter that ISIS goons had played “football” with a human head – at least
Assad’s bullies hadn’t done that.
Historically,
Yarmouk is one of our modern tragedies – a supreme irony given that in 636 CE
Muslim forces, led by Khalid ibn Walid, defeated the mighty Byzantine army at
the Battle of Yarmouk. It’s a case of going from one of the highest moments to
one of the lowest.
And
this time there are no Zionists to blame; only Arabs, only Muslims and only us.
Over 100, 000 Palestinians have disappeared, almost without trace, into the
black hole that is now the Syrian refugee crisis. Our silence has been
deafening and I would suggest that our complicity is complete.
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